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EP committees have become a key element in the EU policy-making process and can be seen as a vital contribution to the shaping of legislation: Westlake (1994, p. 191) effectively described them as the “legislative backbone” of the EP. Although committees play such an important role within the EP until the mid 1990s they rarely were at the focus of academic attention. More recently some studies have tried to shed some light on these fora in order to explain how they contribute to the functioning of the EP as a whole (Mamadouh and Raunio 2003; McElroy 2001; Whitaker 2005; Hix and Noury and Roland 2005). What however can be seen as a lacuna in EP committee research is the examination of the question of how Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) are socialized into EP committees and whether this process has an impact on the decision-mak...
Two recent decisions of the European Court of Justice in the field of criminal sanctions have raised a considerable amount of academic interest. Its decision in Case C-176/03 Commission v Council (Environmental Legislation Litigation) confirmed the Community has the implied power to harmonise criminal laws in relation to other Treaty competences. Its earlier decision in Case C-105/03 Pupino established a requirement of sympathetic interpretation in relation to Union third pillar framework decisions, furthering the legal impact of instruments which on the basis of the Treaty on European Union were previously thought to be incapable of supranational legal effects. However revolutionary both of these decisions may seem, this paper will consider the limitations inherent in both Community and Union legal orders as well as these and subseque...
[From the introduction]. This paper addresses the somewhat paradoxical situation whereby on the one hand, the concept of a "Europe of the Regions" has largely been discredited and has generally fallen out of favour, whilst at the same time, the level of regional engagement in Europe continues to grow at an exponential rate. Regions themselves continue to operate actively in Europe. The number of offices in Brussels representing regional authorities from member states has grown exponentially over the past twenty years (Jeffery, 1997; Bomberg and Peterson, 1998; Heichlinger, 1999; Moore, 2006a). Regions from the new member states have been racing to set up representative bureaux in Brussels and thus to get ahead of 'the competition' or at least, be in the game. Beyond this, the older and more established regional representations are expa...
[From the introduction] This article assesses the reforms in sub-national governance in Bulgaria in the years of postcommunist transition and pre-accession (1991-2005) in order to make conclusions about Europeanisation and domestic responses in candidate states. It draws on a number of Bulgarian policy documents and Commission reports and on forty semi-structured interviews with officials of the European Commission, Bulgarian national ministries and sub-national authorities in the period April-August 2004. The article proceeds by briefly outlining the theoretical framework. Europeanisation is a concept originally developed for member states and it is therefore necessary to take into account the specifics of the enlargement process at the theoretical level in order to be able to apply it to Bulgaria. In the second part of this article i...
[From the introduction]. The purpose of this paper is to complement the increasing and important literature on the development of the European Union's policy competence in justice and home affairs (JHA) with an examination of the policy making process (or processes) that have emerged in this policy space. Rather than analysing the institutionalisation of the macro policy space over time, this paper examines the dynamics of how policy in this area is made through its analysis of the formulation, negotiation and implementation of the European Union (EU)'s European Arrest Warrant (EAW), a key instrument of the EU's police and judicial cooperation in criminal matters. In order to dissect in detail how the policy process in this policy area is animated across all phases of the policy cycle, the paper applies a number of different perspectiv...
Considering the considerable dynamics of EU migration policy both at the constitutional and legislative level, and the potential constraints for governments to pursue certain policies domestically as the result of European integration, more attention is merited to explain why and how member governments have managed to maintain control over the (legislative) process. This paper analyses how the German government remained in charge over the process and safeguarded its key preferences with regard to the development and implementation of the "safe third country" concept at both at the national and European level. Our paper explores the boundaries and interplay between Europeanisation and European integration and thus seeks to contribute to the wider Europeanisation debate. We look at the Europeanisation of asylum policy, both as a top-down...
The EU has many different 'faces' in international relations. It is not only an emerging diplomat, but also a fierce trade negotiator and one of the most important partners in international development cooperation. This diversity of roles makes for equally diverse and ambiguous external relations. The EPA negotiations and the emerging 'Aid for Trade' agenda, where the EU is both friend and foe of the developing countries provide particularly clear examples of the tensions in the EU's external policies. This diversity and the resultant ambiguity is difficult to model theoretically, and most theoretical approaches are consequently based on a simplified version of the EU as international actor. The proposed paper seeks to develop an alternative conceptualisation of the EU as an international actor based on foreign policy analysis and hist...
Will future historians view the 2004-7 enlargements as a heroic step towards the unification of Europe, or the point at which the European Union’s (EU) glory days came to an end? Much will depend on how the European Commission, a uniquely ‘politicized bureaucracy’ under constant pressure both to enforce common rules and to deviate from them, copes with enlargement. This paper reviews early evidence of enlargement’s impact on the Commission. Its central argument is that enlargement has not fundamentally altered the role of the Commission, but it has reinforced the impact of several other changes that are ‘secular’ ones not exclusively or even specifically linked to enlargement. They include: the emergence of a younger and more flexible Commission, one that is more ‘Presidential’, and one which can no longer rely as much on its tradition...
Why were some of the European Union (EU) budgets vetoed in the earlier years of the EU but we do not observe any vetoes lately? Recent research on the EU budget proposes insufficient explanations of the reduction in conflict on budgetary negotiations. The literature on enlargement is pessimistic about the effects of enlargement, especially when dealing with EU funds where member states are expected to fight more. The existing bargaining models offer some insights on the cooperative dynamics in the EU, but provide no empirical testing. I argue that enlargement stabilizes the budgetary process and makes cooperation more durable among the budgetary authorities – the European Commission, the European Parliament and the Council of Ministers. Using formal theory and regression analysis, I show that every country that joins the EU increases t...
[From the introduction]. If the debates raged around the European Employment Strategy (EES) and more generally on Open Method of Coordination (OMC) and the new modes of governance, less and less attention was paid to social dialogue. An evaluation of the cross-industry and sectoral social dialogue is a difficult task as it is an on-going process with various dimensions, among them the information, consultation, and negotiation between the European trade unions, the European employers and the Commission are often underlined (Transfer, 2006). Social dialogue is based on the treaty (Art. 138 and 139) and is generally considered as being part of a hard law approach (Falkner, 1998). Nevertheless, the last cross-industry agreement dated back to 1999 and only few binding agreements have been signed at sectoral level. Since 2000, the agreement...
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